By Thandika Mkandawire
In comparison with Asia or Latin the United States, Africa has skilled a lot larger premiums of emigration of its intelligentsia to North the United States and Europe, and common displacement in the continent. This infrequent evaluate of the background, destiny and destiny roles explores their courting to nationalism and the Pan African undertaking; the indigenous language of African intellectuals; ladies intellectuals; and the function of the increasing African educational diaspora.
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Additional info for African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development (Africa in the New Millennium)
It is difﬁcult still to defend the demand for academic freedom which is a very special kind of bourgeois freedom limited to a very small group. Why do we think we are entitled to demand academic freedom and why do we think that our demand deserves to be upheld by the rest of society? (Ake 1993) 26 There was, of course, no correlation between the silence of academics and the lives of the poor – not in Africa anyway. 18 And if one adds to the overall ideological congruence the material comfort and the bright prospects promised by a rapidly expanding civil service and indigenization programmes, one has all the preconditions for a harmonious state–academe relationship.
Convinced that the African intellectual project is exclusively one of self-pity, he read any narrative of protest along these lines. His casual mode of allusion to the writings of others allows him the possibility of never describing in enough detail what individual scholars have actually said. 31 Indeed, the call was for the defenestration of anything that might be considered nationalistic or populist. Those who saw themselves as cosmopolitan accused African scholars of provincialism and nativism, insisting, as Benedict Anderson suggested they might, on ‘the near-pathological character of nationalism, its roots in fear and hatred of the Other, and its afﬁnities with racism’.
In the post-war period there were ‘welfare intellectuals’ of post-world-war Europe who were organic and subservient to the creation of the welfare state. Some of these spilled over to the colonies as advisers in the ‘colonial and welfare’ programmes. The more radical were to stay on as advisers to the nationalist governments, setting the stage for the technical assistant syndrome that has done so much damage to Africa and placed a wedge between African intellectuals and the nationalists. Thus Julius Nyerere had a band of foreign ‘Fabian socialists’ who had easy access to him, in sharp contrast to Tanzanians, who had difﬁculties in seeing him.
African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development (Africa in the New Millennium) by Thandika Mkandawire